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Signifying Bodies, Signifying Acts: New Ways of Thinking about Human Movement |
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Chapter 2: Signifying Bodies
Preview Questions
It may be helpful to remember that semasiology emerged in an already occupied area of academic study. Birdwhistell's kinesics (1970), Hall's proxemics (1966), the Hungarian school of motif-morphology (Kürti 1980), Kendon's gestural approach (1983), an approach based on Pikean linguistics called the emic/etic approach (Kaeppler 1972), and Elam's theatre semiotics (1980) preceded semasiology.1 It is, however, unlike any of them because of its definition of the body-instrument; that is, "The finite anatomical structure of the body makes possible the precise identification of all theoretically possible movements of the body" (Varela 1983: 244). Precise definition of the degrees of freedom of the jointing parts of the signifying body opened the door for semasiologists to discuss the facilitating conditions of agency:
Although comparative study of the above-mentioned approaches is of considerable interest to serious students, when they are all boiled down, one of the major differences in them is revealed by an examination of differing views of the human body. At this level, there is very little deviation among the conceptions of the body upon which older theories of human movement are based. Learned by most English-speakers in grade school and high school, the traditional (western, medical) view of the human body could be called 'archetypal.' We are concerned to discover what this traditional view of the body entails because it usually provides the spoken (or unspoken) context that determines the form of description used to explain whatever bodily movements are under discussion. For example, after he describes two soldiers standing astride their duffel bags beside a highway thumbing a ride, Birdwhistell provides a kind of 'macro-kinesic explanation' of their act. We are to understand that two members of the species, Homo Sapiens, stand with an intra-femoral index of approximately 45°, right humeral appendages raised to an 80° angle to their torsos, then, in an antero-posterior sweep, using a double pivot at the scapular-clavicular joint, accomplish a communicative signal. From "two men thumbing a ride" (a meaningful social act), we encounter "two members of the species Homo Sapiens." Gone are "legs"—they become an "intra-femoral index." "Arms" disappear: they become "right humeral appendages." In other words, the act of thumbing a ride is described 'macro-kinesically' using a highly technical, Latin-based taxonomy of the body adopted by surgeons, physiotherapists, and others who repair or heal purely physical functions (see Birdwhistell 1970: 176–77). What is the value of a medically-based taxonomy for the purpose of describing two human beings performing a signifying act? Not unexpectedly, the taxonomic shift provides the reason for claims that the description is 'scientific.' Unfortunately, the entire edifice of Birdwhistell's kinesics falls down because of conceptual devices like this. In a presumed desire to be scientific and objective, the author reduces the act of thumbing a ride to a gross physical movement described in a physiological context. Explanatory control for everything in kinesics is ultimately based upon this kind of reduction. The Archetypal Medical View of the Human Body In Western medicine, the body is traditionally considered separate from the mind and it is seen as a kind of complicated machine: a network of purely physical processes that has functions, true, but they are basically mindless functions. The behavior of this body is believed to be best understood by understanding the nature of its individual physical parts. Classical physics and mechanics tended to see the body in the same way: the notion of a 'real' body without a mind was a product of classical deterministic physics, which in turn partakes of Cartesian mind-body dualisms. Not only that, among many, the concept of the body as a machine is (sadly) the only concept that is considered to be scientific. The difficulty is this: if an investigator holds to this kind of understanding of what a human body is, or uses a classical, mechanistic conception of the body as the ultimate philosophical and theoretical bedrock of his or her thinking, the resulting descriptions (interpretations, analyses, and explanations) of any human movement whatsoever will inevitably be distorted. The significance of the performed actions as part of human social life is lost. Because it is impossible to erect a theory of human actions that emphasizes meaning from a foundation of the reductionist, medical concept of the human body, it was necessary to re-define the body in terms that are compatible with the study of meaning because
Since semasiology is the study of signification in the sense of meaning, it is not based upon a medical concept of the body or any of the reductionist, mechanistic notions that the concept entails. Semasiology is based upon an anthropomorphic model of human beings2––that is, on the idea that people can be studied scientifically as if they were human beings, not organisms or machines. People in the real world possess the natures, powers, and capacities to construct and to use meaningful systems of actions for the purposes of expression. Both an anthropomorphic model of humanity and the idea that the nature of human beings can be studied scientifically are important because they indicate reformed ideas about what human 'be-ing' amounts to, and what science is (See Harré 1972; Madden and Harré 1971; Madden 1969 and 1973, and Harré and Madden 1973). The Signifying Body The moving, signifying body of semasiology is seen to exist as if it were at rest in a kind of 'field' (somewhat similar to an electro-magnetic field) consisting of a timeless state of potential energy. As such, it is conceived as a super-position of possibility. The possibilities for movement are defined in a mathematical framework of all theoretically possible moves the signifying body could make,3 with equal probabilities of realization, until an actual act (a move) takes place. At that moment a choice (not necessarily conscious) has been made by some person in a field of complementarities (or 'processes') which manifests itself as an empirically visible act. Although the body has equal probabilities of realizing actions out of a theoretical field of possibilities, not all possible actions are realized in any single action sign, action sign system, or group of systems. Deciding factors here are differing hierarchical systems of values that particular cultures place on gestures, spatial dimensions, and such. From this description, it should be clear that the signifying body of semasiology is not a new word gloss for traditional bodily concepts. It is not a semantic overlay covering familiar concepts of the body. Add to that the notion that the signifying body is a moving body and it becomes clear that any description, analysis, interpretation, or explanation that semasiologists produce must emphasize (1) the visible action signs, (2) the invisible concepts related to them, and (3) the spatial constructs and forms within which the particular system under investigation exists. The Visibility and Invisibility of Action Signs Not everything about performed actions is visible to an investigator. Often, that which is most important to the meanings of action signs cannot be seen. A Dutch anthropologist shares a puzzling situation encountered in the field:
Each individual Papuan has a number of substantive ipu, which is the essence (spirit or principle) of life, existing in different patterns in the jointing parts of his or her body. Any combination of bodily parts might be touched preceding the 'beckoning' sign, therefore all of the gestures look different, except for the gesture at the end of each sequence. Pouwer had no idea what the Mimika responses to his gesture of 'waving' to them meant, saying that "it is often difficult to infer meanings from observations." He further remarks:
Pouwer came to realize that these uniquely combined gestures formed standard Mimika greetings. The element ipu + 'hello' constitutes the invisible concept that governs Papuan greeting gestures.
Taxonomies of the Body By this time, many readers may have asked this question: "If I accept semasiology's position that traditional views and/or some postmodern views of the body do not form an adequate base from which to investigate meaningful social action, then how might this affect my research?" One out of many possible answers to that question is that field research priorities may change. That is, instead of beginning field investigations with, say, genealogies or political structures, it may prove useful for the researcher to find out how his or her own body is named (hence conceived of) in the culture in which he or she is working. It is well known among anthropologists that there are differing social taxonomies of the body throughout the world. Not every society has a concept of the body as complex as that of the Mimika of course, but there are many invisible bodily concepts that go beyond an unrefined function of naming. It makes sense, however, to start with how the body is named, which has the additional advantage of helping investigators to learn the language. One has to find a 'port of entry,' so to speak, that facilitates future interests in movement and gesture. Usually, the society's taxonomy goes much further than simple naming processes, and this, too, has advantages, because it provides a solid basis for understanding deeper levels of specific cultural realities. This is well exemplified in the Dogon series relating parts of a granary to parts of a woman, the parts of the house compound with parts of the body, and the village explained in terms of an extended anatomical metaphor (Griaule 1965: 94–7):
Here we see the connection between anatomical classification, the metaphorical use of the relations of the body-parts to each other, symbolically connected with grain, the most important Dogon food and principle of life-breath.
A similar theme is further explored in the third example from Griaule.
Roy Ellen's work is invaluable for researchers who are interested in the relationship between speech and gesture. Then, too, cultural variation in the classification of body-parts has been documented, e.g., Marsh and Laughlin (1956); Franklin (1963), and Werner and Begishe (1970). Valuable though such work is, by itself, knowledge of taxonomic differences is not enough. We need to know much more about how classifications of body-parts and differences in bodily concepts influence configurations of gesture. For initial understanding, we turn to the work of Edwin Ardener (1982).
Later, Ardener asserts: "The aka is not a 'mere' taxonomic label" (1982: 6), adding,
Indeed, it was the complexity of such 'signifieds' out of which a semasiological approach to the study of human movement with its central concept of 'action sign(s)' emerged. Comparisons of 'Shaking Hands' As the written examples in Figure 2. (below) illustrate,
Handshaking is not a universally used (or understood) gesture of greeting. Native American 'Handshaking'
Handshaking was adopted by Native Americans fairly recently. Not unexpectedly, the act has many subtle variations. Figure 2 emphasizes Farnell's declaration that word glosses such as the linguistic sign 'handshake' do not provide accurate guidelines into the intricacies of the action signs involved. Indeed, "It becomes clear how, in these kinds of cross-cultural comparisons of action signs, word glosses such as 'handshake' often cover up distinct action signs and their meanings in unfortunate ways" (Farnell 1995: 287). Continuing, she tells us that
Taxonomies of the body and their attending concepts are vital to translations of gestures. Malcolm Chapman's work provides essential insights:
Yet, as we have seen with regard to bodily concepts and the cases of 'greeting gestures,' human acts frequently require translation. Indeed, if no translation occurs, understanding remains elusive. And, there are other profound issues at stake. First, if concepts and practices are entirely internal to a society, how is it possible to translate at all? Can anyone really understand cultures that are different from their own? For many, this is still an insurmountable problem, even though anthropologists know through many years of experience that it is possible to understand peoples whose languages, beliefs, and practices are foreign to their own. However, it is just here that I think one of the major problems of human movement studies emerges in bold relief. Even professional anthropologists frequently tend to assume movement is 'transparent.' Second, most Europeans and Americans have been taught to believe there are 'universal' aspects of humanity that, at some fundamental level, constitute a common, primitive ground of reactions in a social context of all human beings. These 'common primitive reactions' are seen to include common primitive gestures. Among so-called 'natural' or 'instinctive' human responses such as hunger, pain, and sexual urges, we find 'common primitive gestures,' although I have so far not found descriptions of what these are (or were). Until enlightenment is provided, I will refrain from further comment, except to say that one recognizes the need for something to which appeal can be made out of which languages and social practices can emerge. If so, we desperately need to know what that 'something' is.4 General Facts about Human Beings Perhaps people think human actions do not require translation because, in general, human actions are not classified with language. Instead, human movement is invoked when attempts are made to find the 'roots' of language and human responses. Movements are part of the 'bottom line' Wittgenstein referred to as "certain general facts about human beings." Semasiologists do not quarrel about the existence of "general facts about human beings" but we do question what the facts are, particularly with reference to human action. We are skeptical about facts being labeled 'instinctive' and 'natural,' because 'instinct' in human beings is such a confused idea: there is no clear way to distinguish between experience and movement that is 'instinctive' or 'natural' and that which is learned. Then, too, we "see no reason to accept [physical bases] for experience as natural because they are physical" (Farnell 1996: 320—italics added ).5 Moreover, we wonder why explanatory control of human movement is so often yielded to evolutionary biology? Or, do the words 'natural,' 'instinct,' and 'instinctive' disguise reductionist, genetic explanations of human movement that so frequently characterize sociobiology? Human beings possess the attribute of flexibility in unparalleled abundance in their alleged 'behavioral' responses. All of semasiology's actual or potential data: dances, sign languages, and other action sign systems, can be brought forward as evidence to support the claim that just here, we can clearly see the fact that human beings are precisely free from the rigid dictates of genetic programming. Unlike genetic programming in other sensate creatures that most often specifies single responses, human beings are not rigidly programmed. They are an unspecialized group of creatures. I do not think there is an ethologist, biologist, or physical anthropologist who would disagree. Nor do I think they would disagree that the words 'performance' and 'performativity' are the reverse of 'instinctive.' Even if a semasiologist spoke of 'instinctive' human actions, he or she would refer to signifying acts that partake of the conceptual strata in human spoken and body languages. It cannot be overemphasized that semasiological theory "has as its fundamental premise the primacy of movement, and as its central orientation, the agentic perspective of enactment" (Varela 1993: 239). Semasiologists do not privilege either medium of human expression (sound or movement) over the other. What we find perplexing is the apparent necessity to postulate 'common primitive reactions'—including movement and gesture—as a foundation for understanding the origins of language, as the reason that human languages possess meaning, and as a 'just so story' about how it all began.6 Intransitive Structures: Conditions for New Ways of Seeing With regard to human movement anywhere on earth, there are invariant features of the signifying body and its geographical environment that provide strong lines of continuity upon which culture-specific semanticities depend,7 thus we may say that there are structural invariants within which all human movement anywhere in the world takes place.8
Intransitive structures of the human signifying body and the space in which it moves define the bodily and spatial conditions that obtain for human beings anytime, anywhere on this planet. The spatial dimensions of up/down, right/left, and front/back (the structure of interacting dualities) and the degrees of freedom of the jointing parts of the body persist. They have persisted for centuries—even millenia. We cannot imagine human life on earth without them. The spatial dimensions and the movement capabilities of human beings were present for Neanderthal, Cro-Magnon, and Neolithic human beings just as they are present now. If human beings possess the natures, powers, and capacities to speak and to make significant moves––to act as agents––then there is no reason to believe that 'general facts about human beings' must be those that reduce human sociocultural—signifying—bodies to biological organisms.
A word, a spatial point of reference, and a gesture (for example, a gesture indicating 'here' or 'there') are intimately tied—so much so that semasiology does not separate them, nor does it separate any movement from a human being's capacity to speak:
'Indexical signs' in semasiology are signs whose meaning is dependent upon (and relative to) the characteristics of the user and the contextual relationships in which these characteristics and signs are found. Ordinary gestures such as pointing, nodding of the head toward something, raising of the eyebrows to indicate a referent, and such are regarded as indexical signs, but semasiology uses the notion of indexicality as a defining feature of all human movement because no human movement takes place outside of contextual relationships or larger cultural schemes of meaning. 'Deixis' (from which 'deictic' is derived) is a Greek word that means 'pointing' or 'indicating.' It is also a technical term in linguistics
The deictic features of human movement are those of location, direction, orientation, and reference. Without these we would not know where we are, where we are going, where we belong. We would not know to whom or to what we are spatially related. In other words, real, moving human bodies exist in semantically loaded spatiolinguistic fields––not in impoverished behavioristic, or some postmodernist, vacuums. Postview Short answers to the Preview questions
Notes:1 Further discussion of these theories is available in Williams (1991: 208–43). 2 There were other "open doors to the facilitation of agency"; for example, see Harré 1999 [1971]. 3 The concept "all theoretically possible human movement" is the key to the definition of the signifying body. 4 Many introductory physical anthropology texts now point out that the only 'common' gestures are those observable at and shortly following birth: for example, certain reflexes, such as following with the eyes and sucking. 5 [Farnell's Note]: "This easy fit reveals a typical bias in Western rationality to assume that anything we find plausible is true, especially if we naturalize it. The authors [Lakoff and Johnson 1980] might have been more suspicious of their tendency to label as 'natural' that which we find difficult to imagine differently in another culture. Anthropology has consistently shown that we can never assume that the limits of Western imagination are the limits of cultural variability!" 6 See Williams (2000a) for essays by Glasser, Baynton, Buckland, and Farnell for the reasons why semasiologists have problems with traditional, largely Victorian, searches for origins. 7 These were fully defined and specified in Williams (1972: 174–95); in Williams (1975: 61 and 84–119), and again in a two-part published essay (Williams 1976a and 1976b). 8 One can imagine worlds where there are no invariant parameters; worlds where, for instance, one would never know which direction dropped objects would fall or where the degrees of freedom of the jointing parts of human bodies changed randomly, but these conditions do not obtain at present on this planet. Astronauts in outer space have a changed relationship to the coordinate 'up/down,' of course, but these are special conditions not included in general semasiological theory. [Editors Note: At this point in the argument, Williams refers interested readers to an Appendix for a brief survey of the mathematics of these specifications. If not interested, she suggests they may skip the technicalities and proceed. The Appendix is not included in this issue of JASHM but will be made available in later issues.] 9 [Varela's Notes]: "Although not a spatial dimension in a physicist's sense, inside/ outside [I/0] is usually included in Williams's definitions of the body-instrument space because of its importance in various ethnographic formations of meanings 'on the ground'"; and, "Again, in a strict physical sense, only one dimension of time is generally recognized, however, Williams usually adds the provocative phrase 'at least' to the words 'one dimension of time' because many systems of time-reckoning studied in social anthropology don't conform to the limitations of the physicist's one dimension of passing time" (Varela 1993: 245—endnotes 4 and 5). |
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