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The Tagalog Body Monica FA Wong Santos In Anthropology and Human Movement: Searching for Origins (2000: chap. 7), Drid Williams discusses the tension between "structural universals" and "semantic diversity." For Williams, the two aspects of structural universals relevant to human movement studies are "those pertaining to space and those pertaining to the bodies that move in space" (ibid.: 165). Universal categories for conceptualizing space are expressed in the following dimensions: up/down, right/left, front/back, and inside/outside. The theoretical concept of "the semasiological body" is used to understand bodily universals. Here, the body is viewed in terms of the "degrees of freedom" afforded by each of the joints of the human body, which are the same for all humans (unless physically compromised in some way). In and of themselves, as theoretical constructs, Williams considers these to be semantically null (that is, without meaning). The semantic content (with enormous variation) emerges as these concepts are applied to or utilized by specific movement systems, as well as in particular conceptions of the body in different social and cultural contexts (for examples, see Williams 1980a and b, Farnell 1995, Kensinger 1995, and Corn 2008). Guided by Williams's discussion of "structural universals vs. semantic diversity," in this paper I discuss how Filipino concepts of the body are revealed in uses of the Tagalog language.1 I explore references to the body and body parts in everyday Tagalog words and idiomatic expressions, as well as uses of body-related words in contexts that do not directly reference the human body. In doing so, I examine what these imply about the way the human body (and its parts) might be perceived by Tagalog speakers. In turn, I hope to contribute to a growing body of literature that looks at the body as a culturally specific semantic domain and resource for classifying and thinking about things in the world (cf. Williams 1980a, Bastien 1986, Bonvillain 1989, MacLaury 1989, Hollenbach 1995). My analysis is inspired by Kenneth Kensinger's discussion in the chapter titled "The Body Knows: Cashinahua Perspectives on Knowledge" in his book How Real People Ought to Live: The Cashinahua of Eastern Peru (1995). In this chapter, Kensinger argues against Cartesian body-mind dualism by illustrating how, for the Cashinahua, knowledge is not conceived of as being centralized in the human brain or mind but is distributed among different parts of the body. Knowledge is acquired through experience, and it is the part(s) of the body that are involved in specific actions and activities that gain knowledge about such actions and activities. Although Kensinger focuses on how knowledge is gained and given expression in action, his analysis also alerts us to a particular way of conceptualizing the body (and body parts) that is expressed in spoken discourse about knowledge. In this study, I analyze 103 terms that refer to the body and to different parts of the body using data from three Tagalog dictionaries (Santos 1983, Enriquez and Santos 1985, and Ramos 1985) and my own knowledge as a native speaker of Tagalog. I include colloquial phrases identified in a previous study (Samonte, Santos, and Tatel 2005) as well as in Michael Tan's book Revisiting Usog, Pasma, Kulam (2008), which is about folk notions of illness and healing in the Philippines. Tagalog Concepts of the Body In my initial review of words for particular parts of the body, I found that many had multiple meanings (see Appendix 1). In most cases, not unlike their uses in English and other languages (as noted by Ellen (2006[1977]), these words also refer to analogous parts of both inanimate and animate objects, conceptually similar parts of inanimate objects, or similar-looking parts of animate and inanimate objects.2 For example, balat (skin)—also cover of a book, shell of eggs, leather, coconut husk, fruit rind In some cases, in a process linguists call 'semantic extension,' another word is attached to the name of the body part that the object visually resembles. These include the plants, bayag-kabayo (Dioscorea bulbifera) and bayag-kambing (Caesalpinia crista)—literally, 'testicles of the horse' and 'testicles of the goat'—which are both vines that produce fruit, the shapes of which somewhat resemble that of testicles. Other plants, locally known as dilang-baka (Napolea chinellifera), dilang-buwaya (aloe vera), and dilang-usa (Trichodesma zeylanicum)—literally, tongue of the cow,' 'tongue of the crocodile,' and 'tongue of the deer,' respectively—resemble the shape and surface of the tongue. Nouns for body parts are also sometimes turned into verbs for particular actions that can be done by, or on, that part of the body, or used to indicate particular spatial orientations. Action kamay (hand)—becomes kamayan or 'to shake hands' Spatial Orientation mukha (face)—the front or façade of something Terms for particular personality traits or one's character also use nouns for body parts. For example, bayag or 'testicles,' means courage, guts, or pluck when used in the phrase walang bayag (to have no testicles). Another common expression is walang mukhang ihaharap (no face to present), which means to be ashamed, without dignity and/or self-respect. Here, mukha (face) means one's self esteem. In some cases, the body-part nouns become part of an adjectival phrase that describes a personal trait. These include utak (mind, brain)—in utak-langgam (have a brain like an ant), which means not very smart Other idiomatic expressions containing body-related terms include verb phrases that express emotional reactions, a suspicious feeling about something, attitudes, state of being (of a person or of something), actions, and nouns that identify relationships with others. Emotional Reactions tumayo ang balahibo (the hair on the body stood up)—to feel fear, intense awe, or disgust Feelings about Something/one taas-kilay (raised eyebrows)—to be suspicious Attitudes nagkibit ng balikat (to shrug the shoulders)—to be indifferent, not care State of Being of a Person buto't balat (skin and bones)—to be extremely thin State of Being of Something magdilang-anghel ka sana (may you have an angel's tongue)—the hope for a statement to be true Actions/Intentions pagbuhatan ng kamay (to bring down one's hand on)—to slap or physically hurt someone Relationships with Others katapikang-balikat (patting shoulders with)—have friendly relations with A cursory review of these idiomatic expressions that contain words for body parts, and different uses of these words, yields some interesting insights on how the body might be perceived by Tagalog speakers. As Williams (2003) states, the physical body is a "structural universal" that is at the same time, semantically diverse. In what follows, I reflect on the semantic significance of the body and some of its parts for Tagalog speakers, based on the foregoing identification of vocabulary. As demonstrated above, for Tagalog speakers the human body provides a simultaneously conceptual and physical basis for orienting oneself and other objects in space. For example, the semantic extension of body part words such as likod (back), tagiliran (side of body), puwit (buttocks), and ulo (head) to refer to the deictic positioning of one thing or oneself in relation to another thing or person indicates that the body provides the basis for one's spatial orientation or position in space. At the same time, some of these terms are also applied to the position or location of particular parts of things in physical space, such as the top and base of the mountain (the ulo and paa of the mountain, respectively) or the head and foot of the bed (the ulunan and paanan of the bed). Pusod (navel) is also used to refer to the center or bottom of something, as seen in the phrases pusod ng siyudad (center of the city) or pusod ng dagat (bottom of the sea). Relationships with other persons are also described using particular parts of the body such as the blood (dugo), intestines (bituka), leg parts (specifically the tuhod, or knees, and talampakan, or the sole of the foot), arm parts (kamay, or hand; balikat, or shoulder), the chest (dibdib), and the heart (puso). What is interesting here is that relationships described through the extremities (arms and legs) and those described through the blood, intestines, chest, and heart seem to reflect degrees of social distance between two individuals. Terms for friendships, work relationships and intergenerational relations (or more socially distant relations) use terms for the legs and arms as in the following: katapikang-balikat ('patting shoulders with')—have friendly relations with On the other hand, terms for sibling and spousal relations (relationships that involve emotional attachment or members of the same generation) include internal body parts such as blood, the heart, and intestines: kabiyak ng dibdib / puso ('half of one's chest or heart')—spouse These examples suggest that the body, among Tagalog speakers, is perceived as being divided into its 'internal' (loob) and 'external' (labas) parts, with the internal body parts viewed as having deeper significance. This is quite consistent with the use of dugo (blood), dibdib (chest), puso (heart), sikmura (stomach), and bituka (intestines) in expressions that describe one's essence, feelings, state of moral being, and general well-being.3 Blood seems to be an important part of the body that carries the "essence" of a person. The phrase nasa dugo means 'it's in the blood' and is a kind of folk construction of genetics or biological/innate capacities (Tan 2008). As such, particular personal traits, such as being strong, beautiful, and kind, as well as having criminal predispositions, are to be found 'in one's blood.' This kind of folk biology is also evident in the adoptive choices of some families in the rural Philippines, where it is common for couples to adopt their nieces or nephews if their parents already have more children than they can handle. For these parents, adopting from outside the family is 'dangerous' since one does not know what kind of natural parents the babies have. The idea that one's 'essence' or 'nature' is carried in one's blood can be related to the nonbodily use of the word ugat (veins, arteries), which also refers to a cause and the origin of something, given that the dugo (blood) flows through the ugat. The fact that ugat also refers to the root of plants adds to the notion of blood as carrying the essence of a person, since the root of the plant is considered essential to its survival. For the Tagalog speaker, the chest (dibdib) and the heart (puso) are the seat of one's convictions, emotional ordeals, and moral being. Note the following expressions: dibdibin (to use the chest)—to take seriously These expressions describe positive qualities of a person and, at the same time, states of extreme pain and suffering. As such, Tagalog speakers view the quality of one's character through the state of one's heart and chest. This is in contrast to the uses of balat (skin), mukha (face), and other related parts such as body hair (balahibo) and the ears (tainga). These are relatively "external" parts of the body that are used to describe current emotional states of the person, but do not necessarily indicate anything about his or her enduring character traits: tumayo ang balahibo (the hair on the body stood up)—to feel fear, intense awe, or disgust The sikmura (stomach) and the bituka (intestines) also seem to be parts of the body that are culturally significant. Idiomatic expressions that contain these terms indicate the physical and general well-being of the individual. Note the following expressions: di masikmura (cannot stomach) / bumaliktad ang sikmura (the stomach was turned inside-out)—to not tolerate something (like food, a person, or something that happened) Here, all the expressions allude to the reaction of the physical body to something it ingested or the state of the body after an injury. At the same time, di masikmura and bumaliktad ang sikmura are also indicators of one's intolerance of someone, something, or an event that happened. As such, these expressions suggest a perception of the stomach as the indicator of one's healthiness as well as the basis for one's (moral) judgment. If the stomach is where judgment comes from, intelligence is located in the utak (brain) and the ulo (head). This can be observed in the following expressions: utak-langgam (have the brain like an ant)—not to be smart Here, the brain is positioned as an active entity that can be used to get ahead of everyone else. Its quality is evaluated in terms of its resemblance to what is perceived as smart, slow, or stupid animals. The ulo is also used to describe one's ego when used in malaki ang ulo ('to have a big head'), which means to have an inflated ego. The terms for the arm and parts of the arm—kamay (hand), braso (upper arm), and palad (palm)—are used in expressions that relate to the state of one's economic well-being or doing a action in a particular way. Note the following terms: kamayin (to use the hand)—to do something using the hands themselves (for instance, to eat using one's hands instead of using utensils) These expressions illustrate how the hands, palm, and arm are perceived as both the instrument and indicator of one's economic fate. Aside from referring to the body (and the bodies of other animals and objects), various forms of the term katawan (body) refer to the act of representing an institution or person: katawanin (verb form)—to represent or act for another These examples suggest an embodied notion of identity and call attention to the material dimension of one's unique identity as a specific 'body.' While identity is a social construct, the idea of the kinatawan embeds it within the physical body itself. The idea of embodiment, in fact, runs throughout the linguistic expressions presented in this paper. That is, in the Tagalog language, the body is not viewed as just a vessel or, by metaphorical extension, a 'container' (Lakoff and Johnson 1980) or object that can do things. It is where one's identity, well-being, and character reside. The names for the body and different body parts are used in ways that show that emotions, states of being, and character are thought and felt to be located within the body and are lived through the body. For example, to be poor is to not have anything in one's palm. Causal power also lies in the body and its parts: to force something to happen is to use one's upper arm; to be attracted to someone is to have a beating heart; to accept something or someone is to have an open heart. As Williams states, the body, while a "structural universal" that we all share, is also "semantically diverse." I hope that this paper was able to "arm its way through" to show that this statement is true. Appendix 1
Notes:1 The term "Filipino" is used here as an orientating device that places Tagalog speakers as geographically (and culturally) linked to the Philippines. It is not used to refer to the 'national language,' which is another meaning of the term. This study, in fact, focuses on native users of the Tagalog language and acknowledges that Tagalog is only one of the 181 living languages used in the Philippines (Summer Institute of Linguistics 2014). 2 Roy Ellen (1977), cited in Williams (1980a), suggests that "classificatory correspondences between a number of domains . . . can be characterized by their concern with spatial relationships" but that "the relationships, the nature of transferability, is complex" (Ellen 2006[1977]: 101). 3 Prospero Covar (1998) provides a structuralist analysis of Tagalog terms and phrases related to the body in his study of Filipino personhood. Using a "dualist approach" (tambalang lapit), Covar generates a model for Filipino personhood using the imagery of a banga (jar). That is, the person, like a jar, has a labas (literally, outside) and a loob (literally, inside), with both having lalim (depth). Moreover, the loob can have laman (contents; something inside). He indicates four pairings of body parts that make up Filipino personhood, as shown in the table below:
Covar based his formulation on his analysis of the use of the terms in everyday idiomatic expressions and how these indicated particular kinds of conditions or states of a person's physical, emotional, and social well-being. My paper departs from this approach in at least two ways: 1. I focus exclusively on the use of terms for the body. Covar also includes in his analysis terms that refer to actions of the body, such as tingin (to look) as well as actions done on the body (for example, sa pisngi idinadampi ang halik; sa pisngi ipinaabot ang ma-asawang sampal [a kiss is given on the cheek; the cheek receives the end of a slap]); 2. My study does not focus on the notion of Filipino personhood (Pagkataong Pilipino) but explores perceptions of the body based on an analysis of semantic extensions and metaphorical uses of body-related terms in the Tagalog language.
References Cited:Bastien, Joseph Bonvillain, Nancy Corn, Aaron Covar, Prospero Ellen, Roy Enriquez, M. Jacobo and E. Santos Farnell, Brenda Hollenbach, Barbara Kensinger, Kenneth Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson MacLaury, Robert Ramos, Teresita Samonte, Sherwin, Monica Santos, and Carlos Tatel Santos, Vito Summer Institute of Linguistics Tan, Michael Williams, Drid
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